Our Mission
About CFBI
Contact CFBI
Newsletter
Mission Work
Our Purpose
Our Objective
Letters To You
Our Projects
Biblical Israel?
ISRAEL HEADLINES
News and Events
Cabinet Meeting
 Educational
Victims of Terror
Israel Photos
Reports-Information
PM Olmert's Speech

Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's Address at the 2007 Herzliya Conference January 24, 2007

 

Distinguished Guests,

 

I cannot speak tonight without referring to the events of the past day, and

the Attorney General's decision to hold a hearing for the President in light

of the possibility that serious charges may be filed against him. In these

circumstances, I have no doubt that the President cannot continue to fulfill

his role and he should leave the President's Residence. This is a sad day

for the State of Israel.

 

Ladies and Gentlemen, exactly one year ago less one day, I had the privilege

to stand at this podium, at the final session of the Herzliya Conference as

Acting Prime Minister, in place of Ariel Sharon, who days earlier had fallen

into a coma from which he has yet to awaken. In that speech, I expressed my

profound prayer, and that of all those present, as well as the entire

nation, that Arik Sharon would return to us. I have carried this hope and

this prayer since then.

 

Today, I would like to focus on a subject which I believe is the most

important one, and which was one of the main points of discussion during

this Conference over the past few days. This subject is one with significant

repercussions for the State of Israel and the region in the next decade. I

will present you with a report of the state of the Iranian threat.

 

Today, there is not one among us who does not sense the dangers inherent in

this threat, not only to Israel, but also to the future of the region and to

the stability of the world order. Every Israeli government over the past

decade acted vigorously to improve our ability to track Iran's intentions,

increase international awareness of the threat, mobilize international

support to stop external assistance of the Iranian plans and prepare

appropriate options in the event that these efforts prove unsuccessful in

the end.

 

We achieved considerable accomplishments in each of these areas; however let

us not delude ourselves: the primary goal which must be realized still lies

ahead.

 

For many long years, we have followed Iran's efforts to acquire nuclear

weapons, in the guise of a civilian nuclear program. They are working

through secret channels in a number of sites spread out across Iran. In the

past few years, we have been witness to especially intense Iranian activity

on two tracks - the overt and the covert.

 

Iranian support of Palestinian terror - through financial support, provision

of weapons and knowledge, both directly and through Syria - Iranian

assistance of terror in Iraq, the exposure of the capabilities which reached

the Hizbullah from Iran during the fighting in Lebanon and the assistance

which they offered just recently to Hamas, have demonstrated to many the

seriousness of the Iranian threat. This activity has created an opposing

front, which includes, in varying intensities, all the permanent members of

the UN Security Council; Arab states such as Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States,

Egypt and Jordan; and other key countries in the West, such as Germany and

Japan. This front is acting to unite forces and prevent this threat from

becoming a reality.

 

Recently, I returned from an important visit to China, and thus ended a

round of diplomatic visits. I met with all the leaders of countries which

serve as permanent members in the Security Council, and other key countries.

The Iranian topic was at the top of our agenda and at the core of the

meetings I held, and which various ministers and other professional

officials regularly hold. In all the contacts I have had, there has been

clear agreement that Iran cannot be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons or

the material to produce them.

 

The Security Council's discussion of the Iranian situation and its

acceptance of Resolution 1737 are important steps, which brought together

all the members of the Security Council. The Resolution was achieved

following intense and complex diplomatic efforts. Many parties took part in

it, including several agencies in the State of Israel, both on a political

level and at a professional level. We know that our efforts contributed

greatly to the result.

 

It is clear to everyone that a diplomatic solution to the Iranian issue is

the preferred solution. We also prefer such an outcome. The direction which

the majority of the international community leans towards is a solution

which can bear fruit, as long as it is done with the necessary ingenuity and

determination, while meticulously adhering to the minimum requirements on

which there can be no compromise.

 

Assuming that all the steps which will now be taken (and those which are

already being taken) by the international community are sharper, more

significant, clearer and more vigorous, the need to adopt more demanding and

harsher solutions in the future will be reduced. Those who believe, as we

do, that a diplomatic solution is preferable, must now muster their strength

to exert pressure on Iran and thus stay the course until change is achieved.

To turn a blind eye now, while ignoring reality, dragging one's feet, and

attempting to reach dangerous compromises while avoiding taking clear steps,

those of us who wish to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear power will,

down the road, not be left with any choice but to take much more severe

steps in the future.

 

I wish to clarify - Iran is very vulnerable and sensitive to international

pressure, despite its defiant, arrogant and provocative stance, and it is

already paying the ever increasing price of this behavior, a price which

will only increase if it continues in its policy. As serious as the Iranian

threat is, the threat of nuclear attack on Israel is by no means imminent.

 

At this stage, there is still time, while not unlimited, to stop Iran's

intention of becoming a nuclear power which threatens its adversaries, first

and foremost, Israel. We are not complacent, we cannot be complacent, and we

are responding to the Iranian threats with the necessary seriousness.

 

Israel is not spearheading the struggle against the Iranian threat. This

threat must be dealt with seriously and responsibly, first and foremost by

the major powers and by other key nations. We are at the forefront of the

fight to place this issue on the top of the agendas of world leaders and

international public opinion. It is our duty to point out the dangers and

help in finding solutions. The Jewish people, on whom the scars of the

Holocaust are deeply etched, cannot allow itself to again face a threat

against its very existence. In the past, the world remained silent and the

results are known. Our role is to prevent the world from repeating this

mistake.

 

This is a moral question of the highest degree. There is a moment during

which any rule among the routine diplomatic rules becomes irrelevant. When

the leader of a country announces, officially and publicly, his country's

intention to wipe off the map another country, and creates those tools which

will allow them to realize their stated threat, no nation has the right to

weigh its position on the matter. This is an obligation of the highest

order, to act with all force against this plot.

 

We have nothing against the Iranian people, we are not the enemy of the

Iranian people and we have no interest in conflict with Iran. In the past,

before the takeover by the radical factions of the country with its

exceptional tradition and impressive abilities, we had close and friendly

relations.

 

The Iran of today, whose leadership is motivated by religious fanaticism and

ideological extremism, has chosen a policy of confrontaion with us and

threatens to wipe Israel off the map of nations. It supports terror and

undermines stability in the region. The Iranian regime, in its aspiration to

regional hegemony, bears responsibility for the riots perpetrated by the

Hizbullah today to bring down the Lebanese government.

 

Threats, hostility and fighting are not our way. Our aspiration was, and

will always be, to live in peace with our neighbors, near and far. We will

never reject a hand, offered in all sincerity, towards genuine peace, by any

nation. For this we yearn.

 

At the same time, our desire for peace should not be interpreted as

weakness, but rather as a source of strength. Anyone who threatens us, who

threatens our existence, must know that we have the determination and

capability of defending ourselves, responding with force, discretion and

with all the means at our disposal as necessary. We will not place the lives

of our people, the life of our country, at risk. We have the right to full

freedom of action to act in defense of our vital interests. We will not

hesitate to use it. I do not suggest that anyone mistakes our restraint and

responsibility, or presume that it will harm our determination and

capability to act when necessary.

 

The Iranian issue preoccupies me and my thoughts constantly. I am

coordinating the handling of this matter and follow up on it on a daily

basis, of one mind with the ministers involved in the matter and in

coordination with the relevant agencies and ministries. Faced with the

Iranian threat there is not, never was and will never be any difference

between opposition and coalition, between right, center and left. We are all

united in this regard and the people stand behind us, united and ready to

face the dangers lurking at Israel's doorstep.

 

There is no human experience we have not undergone. There is no affliction,

threat, hatred, jealousy, envy, persecution, violence and bloodshed which

have not been seared into our flesh. With unparalleled strength, we built

our lives and established a glorious country. No force in the world can

destroy us - and there will never be. We refuse to be dragged into an

atmosphere of collective, self-induced fear. We will not allow the people to

sink into depression and insecurity. We have immense strength. We have

nothing to fear and we will not be afraid.

 

All of us understand the weight of responsibility and the importance of the

hour related to this sensitive subject. Together, through joint internal

effort, by joining forces with the world and by speaking in one, responsible

voice at home - not overly excited, but rather clear and determined - we will

stand up to nuclear threats and prevail.

________________________________

 

Address by Prime Minister Ehud Olmert

Memorial Ceremony for David Ben-Gurion

November 27, 2006

 

The Honorable President, Madam Speaker of the Knesset, Ms. Dalia Itzik, Government Ministers,

Knesset Members, The Ben-Gurion Family, Distinguished Guests,

 

Three years ago, in my capacity as Vice Prime Minister for Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, I delivered a speech here, and quoted from David Ben-Gurion's address at a 1949 Knesset debate on the Armistice Agreements, in which he said:

 

"…when we were faced with the choice between the entire land of Israel without a Jewish State, or a Jewish State without the entire land of Israel – we chose a Jewish State without the entire land of Israel".

 

This historic choice made by Ben-Gurion at the conclusion of the War of Independence was painful, but courageous, heart-wrenching, but sober.

 

Cherished and beloved parts of our homeland – the cradle of our history – remained beyond the border, but a solid Jewish majority was guaranteed in the State of Israel. 

 

Time passed, Arab animosity and terrorism resulted in more war, and some 40 years ago, Israel was again faced with the difficult choice: many good people advocated the vision of Greater Israel.

 

David Ben-Gurion, already a retired statesman, ruled that in exchange for true peace, Israel must relinquish a vast majority of the territories occupied in the Six Day War.   Much has happened since then, facts were established on the ground, agreements were signed, the international and regional arena changed beyond recognition.

 

The bloody conflict with the Palestinians has not ended.  Ben-Gurion's basic diagnosis remained valid and continues to guide – with the necessary amendments – the position of Israeli governments in our peace policy today.

 

Already at the time of Israel's birth, Ben-Gurion extended his hand in peace to the Arab nations.  His hand was rejected, but it remains extended.  I extend my hand in peace to our Palestinian neighbors, hoping that it will not be rejected.

 

I wholeheartedly identify with the statements made by Ben-Gurion regarding the duty of every government in Israel to strive for peace: "I would consider it a great sin, not only towards our generation but towards future generations as well, if we did not do everything in our power to reach a mutual understanding with our Arab neighbors, and if future generations had cause to blame the Government of Israel of missing an opportunity for peace…".

 

These are not easy times for the State and people of Israel.  These days, more than ever, it is natural for us to come to this place, the burial place of the Father of our revived nation, to draw inspiration.

 

If I could seek Ben-Gurion's counsel today, I believe that he would have advised me to make the statements which I intend to make to our Palestinian neighbors today.

 

You, the Palestinian people, in the south and east, in the Gaza Strip and Judea and Samaria, stand, these very days, on the threshold of an historic crossroads.

 

The terror, violence, murders and incessant attacks against the citizens of Israel are liable to lead us closer to a new and painful wave of terrible violence. The uncompromising radicalism of your terror organizations – the Hamas, Jihad, the El-Aksa Martyrs' Brigade and other organizations – did not bring you closer to attaining the goal which I am convinced many of you share – the establishment of a Palestinian state, which will guarantee you a future of prosperity and which will exist in good neighborly relations side-by-side with the State of Israel.

 

On the verge of making decisions which could plunge us into an increasingly escalating conflict, I come today, from here, near the tomb of David Ben-Gurion, to suggest to you a different path – a path which offers a chance for a different future, for you and for us.

 

We started it the day before yesterday.  We embarked on this path – and I hope that it will lead us forward towards the goal we all aspire to – peace, tranquility and mutual trust.  We are ready and willing to pursue this path, and persevere until we reach the sought-after solution.

 

If a new Palestinian government is established – a government which will be committed to the principles of the Quartet, implement the Roadmap and bring about the release of Gilad Shalit, I will invite Abu-Mazen to meet with me immediately, in order to conduct a real, open, genuine and serious dialogue between us.

 

In the framework of this dialogue, and in accordance with the Roadmap, you will be able to establish an independent and viable Palestinian State, with territorial contiguity in Judea and Samaria – a State with full sovereignty and defined borders.

 

In this framework, the borders of the State of Israel will be defined, in accordance with President Bush's April 14th, 2004 letter to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.

 

These borders will be different from the territories currently under Israel's control.

 

I understand the importance which the Palestinian society attributes to the issue of prisoners.

 

I hereby declare that when Gilad Shalit is released and returned to his family, safe and sound, the Government of Israel will be willing to release numerous Palestinian prisoners – including ones who were sentenced to lengthy prison terms – in order to increase the trust between us and prove that our hand is truly extended in genuine peace.

 

I said it before Gilad Shalit was abducted, and I have not changed my position.

 

I know that many Palestinian families yearn for the day when their loved ones will return home. This day could be very close.

 

I believe that many of you are weary of the dreadful price which you pay as a result of the violent extremism of the terror organizations prevailing in your streets.

 

I believe that many of you yearn for a new chapter which we can open together in the bloody history of our relations.

 

The cessation of terrorism and violence will enable us to offer you a series of steps, which will be taken in joint coordination, in order to facilitate the improvement of the Palestinian population's quality of living, which was severely affected as a result of our need to take defensive measures against your terrorist actions.

 

We will significantly diminish the number of roadblocks, increase freedom of movement in the territories, facilitate movement of people and goods in both directions, improve the operation of the border crossings to the Gaza Strip, and release Palestinian funds for the purpose of alleviating the humanitarian hardship which many of you suffer.

 

We can assist you in formulating a plan for the economic rehabilitation of the Gaza Strip and areas in Judea and Samaria.

 

We can assist you in the establishment of industrial zones – in cooperation with the international community – to create places of employment and the means of earning a decent living, and to relieve you of your ongoing dependence on employment infrastructures in Israel.

 

We will seek the assistance of those neighboring Arab States which strive for a peaceful solution to the conflict between us, including: the Kingdom of Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States, in order to benefit from their experience and receive backing for direct negotiations between us.

 

The voices emanating from those States regarding the need for recognition and normalization of relations with the State of Israel – including, for example, some parts in the Saudi peace initiative – are positive, and I intend to invest efforts in order to advance the connection with those States and strengthen their support of direct bilateral negotiations between us and the Palestinians.

 

I have been following with great appreciation the serious efforts made by those States to bring about a cessation of violence in the region, and I respect their sincere desire to create a new atmosphere between us, so as to facilitate a solution to the conflict.

 

The international circumstances which were created, specifically at this time, allow you and us to take a courageous step, which involves the need to make painful compromises and forgo those dreams which were part of our national ethos for so many years, and to open a new chapter offering hope for a better life for all of us.

 

We, the State of Israel, will agree to the evacuation of many territories and communities which were established therein.  This is extremely difficult for us, akin to the Parting of the Red Sea, but we will bear it, in exchange for true peace.





 | Our Mission | About CFBI | Contact CFBI | Newsletter
Mission Work | Our Purpose | Our Objective | Letters To You | Our Projects
Biblical Israel? | ISRAEL HEADLINES | News and Events
Cabinet Meeting |  Educational  | Victims of Terror | Israel Photos | Reports-Information

© 2007 CHRISTIANS FOR BIBLICAL ISRAEL All Rights Reserved.
Powered By: ezlauncher.com

Feb. 18 HeadlinesFeb. 17 HeadlinesFeb. 14 HeadlinesFeb. 13 HeadlinesFeb. 12 HeadlinesFeb. 11 HeadlinesFeb. 10 HeadlinesSept. 24, 2007June Prayer Letter2007TestIsrael TourismPM Olmert's SpeechHistorical 2006April 9 HeadlinesEducatiional 2005Historical 2005Reports-InformationSept. SpeechesAugust SpeechesJuly SpeechesReligiousJune SpeechesPM Sharon's SpeechIsrael StatsIsrael PhotosVictims of Terror Educational Cabinet MeetingYad Vashem News and EventsOur EndeavorISRAEL HEADLINESBiblical Israel?Our ProjectsLetters To YouOur ObjectiveOur PurposeMission WorkNewsletterContact CFBIAbout CFBIOur Mission