June Speeches

June Speeches

PM SHARON'S SPEECH AT THE CAESAREA CONFERENCE

June 30, 2005

"First of all, I thank you for regularly holding this conference in
Jerusalem. This type of conference, which examines the state of the economy
and society from a broad view, is deserving of taking place in the capital
of Israel, and nowhere else. I thank everyone who helped organize this
Conference, and all the participants who took time out of their schedules
and spent it in thinking about the future of the State of Israel.

We live in an era of great change. The entire world is being transfigured
before our very eyes. The global economy is undergoing fundamental
transformations. The Middle East is changing, and it is enough to mention
the great shifts which occurred recently in Iraq and Lebanon.

Israel is also going through enormous changes. Some of them originate in
the global and regional shifts. Some are changes which we initiated and
generated, since it is clear to us that the existing situation does not
serve us anymore.

Since my first day in office, it was clear to me that we must not be
satisfied with the status quo. I am not ready to sit and only put out fires
and solve crises. That is not why I was elected.

I took the responsibility of initiating changes in every field where they
were necessary, in order to lead Israeli society to a better situation for
the future. We are in the midst of doing so.

My Government led, and continues to lead comprehensive reforms in nearly
every sphere of economic activity. We acted on those matters which in the
past were discussed at length, but with little action taken. However, I was
never among those who do not value the great activities of the past, because
much was accomplished. We achieved great things under difficult
circumstances. Some of them were issues that no one dared tackle since the
establishment of the State.

We privatized El Al, Zim, Bank Discount and Bezeq. Yesterday, in a joint
discussion with the Minister of Finance and the Governor of the Bank of
Israel, we made a decision to concentrate our efforts on selling Bank Leumi,
and to redirect the profit to reduce our national debt.

We initiated structural reforms in the water authority, ports, capital
market and banking, pension funds and in the fields of energy, including a
move to natural gas and the construction of desalination plants, which will
become operational this year.

We made dramatic changes in the job market by reducing the number of foreign
workers and encouraging the population capable of working to begin doing so.

We are altering the national economy from its very foundation, and
transforming it into a modern economy in step with the conditions of the
21st century, and capable of integrating into the global economy.

We are at the height of our efforts to fundamentally change the education
system, in accordance with the recommendations of the national task force
headed by Shlomo Dovrat, a team which the Minister of Education and I
appointed. The Government is ready to allocate billions of shekels to fund
this reform. Indeed, we have encountered difficulties in the struggle of the
teachers organizations, however, this year we will implement the reform in
the 32 authorities. Of course, we could have done much more, but we chose
to begin on a smaller scale. We are starting the reforms, as I mentioned,
and I promise you that it will be implemented in the coming years.

The greatest change we are implementing is the Disengagement Plan. We had
to take the initiative. We faced a situation in which we could be either
leaders or be led. And we decided to lead. We decided what our priorities
were - we are withdrawing from the Gaza Strip - an area where there was no
chance of establishing a Jewish majority, and which would clearly, in any
final agreement, not be part of the State of Israel. At the same time, we
are directing the majority of our efforts to areas which are most crucial to
ensuring our existence - the Galilee, the Negev, Greater Jerusalem, the
settlement blocs and the security zones.

I initiated the Disengagement, because it is the best tool to fundamentally
change the national situation of the State of Israel. Withdrawing from Gaza
will have a positive and decisive influence on every facet of life in
Israel: security, the economy and the quality of life in the country. I say
with confidence - the Disengagement places Israel in a better position in
every possible scenario, and it will be carried out according to the
timetable decided, beginning in 7 weeks time.

The first challenge we face is the security challenge. Disengagement can
assist us in curbing terror, and will certainly allow us to fight terror in
a better and more effective way.

There is a real chance that disengagement will generate the Palestinian side
to stop the terror offensive. For the first time the Palestinians will have
to choose: do they want to begin building or continue destroying? Are they
ready and able to change on their own, or do they want to continue to wallow
in the swill of their hatred and incitement, which will lead their
population to poverty and suffering. The truly have an opportunity. It
would be regrettable if they miss it.

There exist in Palestinian society and its leadership moderate forces who
want to make the right choice. Disengagement can help them, and constitutes
a test of whether or not they can lead, whether we have or do not have a
partner. If the Palestinians fail, and again choose the path of war and
terror, the Disengagement will significantly improve our ability to deal
efficiently with the terror.

The purpose of terror is, inter alia, to force the international community
to actively intervene against Israel. Disengagement stopped this trend, and
changed the political thought. Now it is clear to the world that Israel is
ready to contribute its part by making genuinely painful concessions. Now,
the nations of the world have directed their demands to the Palestinians -
to dismantle the terror organizations, stop the incitement, introduce law
and order, and focus on bolstering Palestinian society rather than
destroying the State of Israel.

Disengagement fortified the strategic alliance between Israel and the United
States. There is understanding between us and the Americans vis-a-vis the
immediate, necessary steps, regarding advancing according to the outline of
the Roadmap, and regarding an uncompromising demand that the Palestinians
fulfill all their obligations in order to move forward.

However, more important than anything else is the understanding we reached
with the Americans that, in negotiations for the final agreement, they will
support our stand on two essential issues for ensuring our future - keeping
the settlement blocs in Israeli territory and preventing the entry of
Palestinian refugees into the State of Israel. And this, of course, in
addition to a series of other topics which appear in the agreement between
President Bush and me. No previous government was successful in obtaining
such commitments from the American administration in the past.

These understandings, written commitments signed by the President of the
United States, and later overwhelmingly endorsed by both Houses of Congress,
are the best guarantee of ensuring the character of the State of Israel as a
Jewish and democratic nation.

The Disengagement Plan is the basis for strategic change in the situation of
the State of Israel, parallel with the changes taking place in the Middle
East. We are already able to see a shift in our relations with Egypt, the
most important of Arab nations. We saw a good example for that today, at
the signing of the Natural Gas Agreement.

Despite not being an essentially economic event, the Disengagement clearly
has a large economic and social influence. I have heard claims that the
money invested in the Disengagement Plan could have been invested in social
issues. We should probably remind those who forgot that we, in the
Government and in the Knesset, decided to deviate from the budgeted deficit
and government expenditure to fund the Disengagement because of its special
character, and the fact that it is a one-time event. Therefore, I do not
feel I need to explain here that investment in Disengagement could not be
allocated to any other target. It is the realization of the Disengagement
Plan which will allow for diverting resources which are currently earmarked
for ongoing security, to be used in building Israeli society and narrowing
the gaps in it. This is the right economic and social path.

I believe that Disengagement will be one of the most successful,
economically influential steps carried out in Israel. It is sufficient to
examine the influence which the Disengagement has had on the growth of the
Israeli economy even before it is carried out. I believe that your experts
estimated the benefits of Disengagement at 2% GNP per annum. There is no
doubt that the dramatic increase in tourism, foreign investment and
consumption originate primarily in optimism in the political arena. It is
no accident that in the past two years we have seen renewed growth and a
return of foreign investors.

All this is even before we address your analysis of the nightmare of
non-implementation of the Disengagement Plan, with all the consequences that
this will have on our political position and how we are treated in the
global markets.

The change we are spearheading is not easy to implement - neither the
Disengagement nor the economic and social reforms. In general, change is
never easy. It is not easy to change, and even harder to lead such dramatic
and fundamental changes. However, we do not have the privilege of ignoring
the changing reality.

Every change has its opponents. There are those who do not understand the
need for change, and who wish to cling to what already exists and is
familiar, even if it is bad, over the uncertainty of the future. There are
those who cling to a naive faith that, in the end, everything will work out
as they wanted.

There are also always those who object to change out of self-interest and
political motivation. This is a familiar human weakness. It is easy to
favor self-interest over the good of the many. I do not believe that we
need to concern ourselves with this overmuch, or give it weight in
determining national policy.

And there are those, of course, who are directly hurt by change - any
change. Such are the original residents of the Gaza Strip and Northern
Samaria, most of whom are wonderful people, the best of Israeli society. I
feel their pain and respect their objections, even when they are extremely
severe. I tell you that I love these people; I also love them when I hear
the voices of pain and protest which are directed at me personally.

However, with all the pain and understanding, we must not be deterred from
this crucial change. The fate of the entire State is at stake. We must
withdraw from Gaza in order to build Israel.

I can tell you that a tremendous amount of work is being done to ensure that
every resident who so wishes will find a solution which suits their needs,
whether it be through financial compensation if that is what they wish, or
by arranging temporary housing, or renting an apartment, or by preparing
places for permanent settlement and land for agricultural cultivation.

There is a solution for all who wish it. There is a place for every
evacuee - a place in Israel and a place in our hearts.

I make a complete distinction between them and the extremist gangs who are
trying to terrorize Israeli society and tear it to pieces through violence
against Jews and Arabs, and offending Muslims and violating their symbols,
by thuggery and disobedience. It is not the path of Judaism. It is not the
path of the settlers. It is not the path of Israel.

We will deal with these phenomena with a heavy hand since they threaten our
very existence here, as a Jewish and democratic country. This is how we
acted yesterday, and today at the hotel in Gush Katif which we evacuated. I
wish to commend the Israel Police forces and IDF soldiers who carry out this
difficult and important task. We will not let anyone raise a hand against
an IDF soldier or a policeman in the Israel Police. Everyone who cares
about this country - and who has public influence - must stand up and make a
clear statement against these phenomena.

I promise you that I will not be deterred from implementing the evacuation
from Gaza because of threats and intimidation from political opponents. I
hear how they are planning my political deposition and the collapse of the
Government. I do not take them very seriously. However, I regret that this
is the nature of our political life. I have previously withstood difficult
trials, even more difficult than these. At these times, one must act
calmly, and determinedly carry out what one believes. And so I will.

We face a difficult period of great internal pain. I am convinced that
these are the labor pains of better times, in which we will stand, strong,
united, and build a prosperous economy, a healthy, civilized and more just
society, and most importantly, in which we ensure the people of Israel a
future of tranquility, security and peace.

I am certain that, with God�s help, we will succeed.

Thank you very much."

______________________________________

Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's Speech at the opening Israel�s 2005 Hi-Tech Conference 06-16-05

I am happy to be here at the opening of Israel�s 2005 Hi-Tech Conference.

Last year I stood here and presented the Disengagement Plan to you. I
explained the logic behind it and the benefits it will bring to the State of
Israel. Since then, the withdrawal from Gaza was approved by the Government
and the Knesset and we are presently preparing for its implementation. The
plan will be implemented and carried out in accordance with the dates
determined by the Government and the Knesset.

Recently, various people have made assessments regarding the reality which
will be created in our region following the disengagement. It is important
to understand, the withdrawal from Gaza has already improved, and will
continue to improve Israel�s position in any reality which will be created
in our region. It is the right thing for us to do and we will continue to
implement it in spite of opposition, false incitement, blockage of traffic
arteries, and dire threats.

We will do so because withdrawal from Gaza is good for Israel.
Today, on the eve of the implementation of the Disengagement Plan, we can
already see its benefits - also in the economic field. Thanks to the
Disengagement Plan and to other steps taken by the Government, the Israeli
economy is presently at a new starting point.
From a negative growth rate in 2002, we achieved a growth of 4.3% in 2004 -
a rate higher than that of most industrial countries. Our prognosis, and
that of the Bank of Israel, is that growth will continue at these rates, or
even higher, in the next few years.

This change is very evident in the field of hi-tech industries, which
suffered the worst blow during the recession years. The change is already
discernible in the export data: export of hi-tech products increased during
the first third of 2005 at a rate of 5.9%, compared with the same period
last year. One of the most encouraging signs is the 60% increase, in 2004,
in venture capital fund investments in Israeli hi-tech industries.

The Government, for its part, is doing its utmost to assist our
knowledge-based industries. The Research and Development Law was amended to
enable the participation of Israeli companies in the global research and
development market. We cancelled the tax on foreign investment in venture
capital funds.
(Perhaps there are those here who remember that I wanted to do this also in
regards to Israeli venture capital funds, and you objected - I never
understood why.)
We amended the Law for the Encouragement of Capital Investment to ensure
attractive and easy terms for investment in hi-tech companies. I say without
hesitation: this law makes Israel one of the most attractive countries for
investment in the field of technology. And today, if we take into
consideration other developments in the Israeli economy - stability,
decreased inflation and interest rates, and processes of reform and
privatization - the picture we get is indeed a positive one.

We can look back with satisfaction on the great achievements of the
Government, primarily the determined stand against the Palestinian terrorist
assault, which attempted to make our lives here hell, and the recovery of
the economy from the serious crisis it faced, while renewing growth.

However, in the competitive world of the 21st Century, there is no time to
rest on the laurels of yesterday�s achievement. We are, at this time,
examining programs to ensure unlimited implementation of hundreds of
initiatives and opening new start-up companies every year.

This constitutes the engine of the technological industry. At the same time,
we are examining the country�s ability to support the formation of an
infrastructure which allows for the development of additional strategic
technological industries in Israel, such as homeland security,
bio-technology or water and environmental technology. There is no doubt that
we, of course, have entered the nano-technology sphere, and I have many
expectations from this field.

We should not be satisfied with the impressive accomplishments already
achieved by the Israeli hi-tech industries, but should continue to advance.
For a country which belongs to the club of developed countries, there in no
future without constant development of technology and human capital. The
young generation which grew up here already has envisioned new initiatives,
and I believe that they represent a great hope.

I wish you a fruitful and successful conference.
And again, I wish to thank you. We are confident in your abilities, your
talents and in your business daring. We trust you.

Thank you.

________________________________________

PM Sharon�s Speech at the Knesset Session Honoring the Memory of Ezer Weizman

06-15-05

Translation

Reuma, Michal, Dubi, the Weizman Family,
Mr. Speaker,
Members of Knesset,

We have gathered here to honor the 7th President of the State of Israel, Ezer Weizman, may his memory be blessed.

Ezer Weizman deserves much credit in the wonderful story of the revival of the people of Israel in their land. As a fighter pilot, he was one of the founders of the Air Force, and its commander, and he contributed much to the strengthening of the security of the State of Israel. As a statesman, he was one of the architects of the Peace Accords with Egypt. As President of the country, he was loved by all the people, was a comfort in difficult times and he admonished when necessary.

Ezer�s life and mine crossed paths many times. We fought together in Israel�s wars, and later we sat together in the Government. As I remember Ezer, dozens of images come to mind of meetings, of joint struggles and also of disagreements. I mentioned several of our common experiences during my eulogy at his funeral.

In his last years, after he retired from his position of President of Israel, we met many times to discuss current events. I updated him as to the goings-on in the political and security spheres, and Ezer always gave wise advice and offered ideas and directions of thought for Government activities. When he was troubled, he more than once called me late at night. The man did not rest for a moment, he never relaxed.

One thing was very important to Ezer, and he mentioned it at each of these meetings. He always opposed the spirit of dejection which sometimes surrounded the Israeli people, and more intensely politics in Israel. He always saw fit to emphasize the accomplishments of Zionism, the long road the State took in just a few years.

Even during the most difficult hours, he emphasized that not everything was black, and that there was more good than evil. That is why he dedicated his swearing-in as President of Israel to one of the greatest of these accomplishments to the ingathering of millions of Jews from around the world in the State of Israel, the State of the Jewish people. At the time, Ezer appealed to the people of Israel with the statement: “Do not speak ill of this land.”

On one of his first visits as President, Weizman met with high school students from the kibbutzim in the Jordan Valley. One boy asked him the typical Israel question, �What will be?� Ezer answered. �I am optimistic but not idiotically optimistic. It is time to look at the glass half full. On the whole, the country is prospering. It is true that hundreds of thousands of people still live below the poverty line, but our situation is one of the best we have ever had.� Years later, he wrote in his memoirs that after he said those things, he saw a smile creep across the worried boy�s lips. As always, Ezer succeeded in focusing attention on the positive side of things.

Ezer taught us to appreciate the great accomplishments of the Zionist enterprise. Despite the difficulties, in this place we created a society of which to be proud. We gathered Jews here from all ends of the earth. Scientific research in Israel is among the most advanced in the world, and because of it, many Israeli companies have joined the world elite of knowledge-based industries. Also in the field of the humanities, Israel has been blessed with many talents in the arts, literature, theater and film. These are talents which gained international recognition and appreciation.

We will learn this from Ezer, and we will remember, also in our most difficult hours, the long road we have taken, and we will gather our strength to continue forward. Ezer said it best in his swearing-in speech, with the slogan: �Let everyone say, it is good to live for our country.�

Thank you.

________________________________________

Address by Prime Minister Sharon at the Jerusalem Day Ceremony Ammunition Hill

Monday, June 06, 2005

Distinguished President of the State of Israel,

Bereaved Families,

Government Ministers (who participated in the special cabinet meeting we

held here today, and made decisions regarding the development of Jerusalem

as the eternal capital of Israel forever and ever),

President of the Supreme Court,

Speaker of the Knesset,

Commanders in the IDF, Police and Security Forces,

Mayor of Jerusalem,

Commanders, Ladies and Gentlemen,

On that terrible night, at the dawn of the 27th day of Iyar, 5727, the

soldiers of the Paratroopers Brigade, commanded by Motta Gur, were ready to

storm this fortified position, Ammunition Hill. Behind them was the Israeli

part of Jerusalem, wounded by bombardments which had not ceased since that

morning. In front of them, beyond this hill, was the top of Mount Scopus,

the Israeli enclave, which would be in serious danger if it were not reached

by dawn. In the south of the city, the soldiers of the Jerusalem Brigade,

commanded by Eliezer Amitai, had already conquered Armon Hanatziv, and the

�Naknik� and �Pa�amon� posts. From the north, the 10th Armored Brigade,

commanded by Uri Ben-Ari, made its way through the �Radar� and �Sheik Abed

El Aziz� posts, towards Nebi Samuel.

It is symbolic that the fighters of three reserve troops brigades - the most

explicit manifestation of �Army of the People�, were the redeemers of

Jerusalem.

On that night, Head of Command Uzi Narkis suddenly announced that the

General Staff suggested that the attack be postponed until morning so that

it could receive aerial support. Motta assembled the commanders for

consultation and they unanimously decided: We cannot wait. We must attack

tonight.

This is how they were, the paratroopers. That is how they were trained: to

be dedicated to the mission, to attack, to risk their lives for their

people. They could not wait until the break of day. A fire burned in their

hearts. The fire of Jerusalem. In the storm of battle that raged here, many

of them paid with their lives. There is no stone on this hill which was not

soaked with the blood of fighters. We will forever cherish those who, for

our sake, bridged the two sections of our eternal capital - a bridge between

the dream of generations and the reality of our time. The vision of the

prophets was realized. Prayer turned into salvation.

For 19 years Jerusalem was divided, besieged, reclusive, and at the end of

every path, and for double that time - 38 years - it has been united and

open.

The majority of the Israeli population has not known a different reality.

The younger generation could not visualize the line crossing the city,

strewn with mines and barbed wire. They could not imagine the enemy soldiers

on the walls of the Old City, and no access to the Temple Mount, the Western

Wall, and the Mount of Olives. They could not imagine that the city�s

suburbs, from Ramot and Neveh Yaacov in the north, to Gilo and Har Homa in

the south, were barren hills, with cannons aimed at the heart of Jerusalem.

For us, there is only one Jerusalem, and no other. It will be ours forever,

and will never again be in the hands of foreigners. We will honor and

cherish all lovers of Jerusalem, of all faiths and religions. We will

carefully guard all its sites of prayer, churches and mosques, and freedom

of worship will be ensured, which was not the case when others ruled it. We

will fearlessly face the entire world and will ensure the future of united

Jerusalem. For Jerusalem is the anchor, root of life, and faith of the

Jewish people and we will never again part with it.

Whoever wishes to know this should open the Bible, read and understand.

Historic Jerusalem, the heart of the Jewish people for over 3000 years, will always be one, united, the capital of the State of Israel forever and ever.

________________________________________

(Courtesy of the Prime Minister's Office and the GPO)